Central Park
In reviewCentral Park sits on land once held by Black landowners and working-class residents in communities such as Seneca Village, who built churches, homes, schools, and social networks decades before the park’s creation. The dominant story celebrates Central Park as a visionary gift to the city, but that vision depended on the use of eminent domain and forced removal to erase Black property, community autonomy, and political standing on Manhattan’s west side. Seneca Village and neighboring settlements were not makeshift shanties; they were deliberate acts of Black self-determination, where free Black New Yorkers purchased land, secured voting rights, and built institutions beyond the reach of downtown hostility. The archive centers their authorship of the landscape and the cost at which the park was made.
1.Seneca Village: Black Landownership and Community Building
Beginning in 1825, free Black New Yorkers and some Irish and German residents purchased parcels of land between roughly 82nd and 89th Streets, forming Seneca Village on Manhattan’s then-outskirts. Black landowners like Andrew Williams and Epiphany Davis acquired property that not only provided physical security but conferred the right to vote under New York’s property requirements, making the village a strategic site of Black political power.
Residents erected homes, cultivated gardens, and built institutions: the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church (known locally as the African Union Church), All Angels Church, and a school for Black children. This was a planned community, not a transient encampment—its layout and institutions reflected deliberate decisions about how and where Black people could live with relative autonomy in antebellum New York.
2.Community Life and Political Standing
Church records, school accounts, and city tax rolls depict Seneca Village as a stable, intergenerational community with families, boarders, and shared governance. Black residents used landownership in Seneca Village to secure voting rights, exercise civic agency, and create mutual support structures that buffered them from the racial hostility of lower Manhattan.
The archive reads Seneca Village as a Black political project as much as a residential one: by purchasing land and building institutions, villagers carved out a foothold in a city that otherwise sought to confine Black presence to precarious tenancies and marginal occupations. Their community life—worship, education, neighborhood care—is central to the story of the land that would become Central Park.
3.The Creation of Central Park and Forced Removal
In the 1850s, New York City elites and reformers advanced a plan for a grand municipal park, arguing that the land in and around Seneca Village was "squalid" and needed improvement. Through city action and state legislation, officials invoked eminent domain to acquire the land, appraise properties, and clear residents to make way for the park.
Seneca Village and neighboring communities were condemned, houses demolished, churches removed, and residents forced out—often with contested compensation and little regard for the social networks destroyed. Families who had used landownership to secure stability and voting rights lost both at once, their properties folded into a park presented as a universal urban amenity.
4.Erasure and Sanitized Narratives of Central Park
For generations, standard accounts of Central Park celebrated Frederick Law Olmsted, Calvert Vaux, and municipal reformers while reducing the prior communities to vague references or ignoring them altogether. The language of "improvement" and "public health" obscured the racial and class dimensions of the land clearance, suggesting that the area was essentially empty or blighted.
The archive identifies this erasure as a key mechanism of whitewashing: by minimizing Black landownership and community life, the dominant record detaches the park from the political choice to sacrifice Black autonomy for a new landscape vision. Black-authored scholarship, church minutes, and property records restore the villagers as central figures whose displacement was neither incidental nor inevitable.
5.Memory, Archaeology, and Ongoing Recognition
Late twentieth-century and twenty-first-century research, including archaeological investigations and archival work, has begun to recover the material traces of Seneca Village—foundations, artifacts, and mapped lots that confirm the depth of community life. Descendant testimony and Black historians’ work have pushed institutions to acknowledge the village’s existence and its destruction.
The archive treats these efforts not as closure but as partial repair. Central Park remains a treasured public space, but its origin story includes the loss borne by Black New Yorkers who built their own landscape first. Their authorship and removal belong in every telling of the park’s history, alongside the names of designers and commissioners.
The archive holds Central Park as a monumental work of landscape design built atop the dispossession of Black and poor New Yorkers who had authored their own communities there. Seneca Village stands as a testament to Black landownership, institution-building, and strategic use of property to claim citizenship in a hostile city. By restoring Seneca Village and its neighbors to the core of Central Park’s origin story, the archive rejects narratives that treat the park as emerging from empty or degraded land. It honors the villagers as planners of their own environment, whose removal was a deliberate political choice, not an inevitable step toward progress.
The family archive is admissible here. Photographs, letters, deeds, church programs, funeral bulletins, business records, recordings — the things that were kept when no institution was keeping them. A keeper reviews everything before it is admitted, and your name stays on it.